British Ministers were accused last night of deliberately driving poor people out of wealthy inner cities as London councils revealed they were preparing a mass exodus of low-income families from the capital because of coalition benefit cuts.
Representatives of London boroughs told a meeting of MPs last week that councils have already block-booked bed and breakfasts and other private accommodation outside the capital – from Hastings, on the south coast, to Reading to the west and Luton to the north – to house those who will be priced out of the London market.
Councils in the capital are warning that 82,000 families – more than 200,000 people – face losing their homes because private landlords, enjoying a healthy rental market buoyed by young professionals who cannot afford to buy, will not cut their rents to the level of caps imposed by ministers.
The controversy follows comment last week by Iain Duncan Smith, the work and pensions secretary, who said the unemployed should "get on the bus". Another unnamed minister said the benefit changes would usher in a phenomenon similar to the Highland Clearances in the late 18th and early 19th centuries, when landlords evicted thousands of tenants from their homes in the north of Scotland.
In a sign that housing benefit cuts are fast becoming the most sensitive political issue for the coalition, Jon Cruddas, the Labour MP for Dagenham, last night accused the government of deliberate social engineering.
"It is an exercise in social and economic cleansing," he said, claiming that families would be thrown into turmoil, with children having to move school and those in work having to travel long distances to their jobs. "It is tantamount to cleansing the poor out of rich areas – a brutal and shocking piece of social engineering," Cruddas added.
Sunday, October 24, 2010
E.U. MONEY REGULATION
IT IS TIME WE READ THIS AGAIN:
By Ambrose Evans-Pritchard - Published: 5:25PM GMT 02 Feb 2010
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/finance/comment/ambroseevans_pritchard/7139497/Threat-to-City-of-London-as-EU-Parliament-seeks-to-whittle-away-power-to-veto.htmlas-EU-Parliament-seeks-to-whittle-away-power-to-veto.html
The Euro-MPs in charge of drafting the rules for oversight bodies covering banking and markets aim to make it much harder for Britain or other states to use an "emergency brake" to block decisions on regulation, and perhaps to strip them of their veto altogether.Alistair Darling, the Chancellor, thought he had secured a safeguard clause in a deal with fellow EU ministers late last year. The agreement stipulates that states can take their case to the European Council - the supreme EU body made up by heads of government - where decisions are taken by unanimity, if they think that a ruling by a trio of EU supervisory authorities "impinges on in any way on the fiscal responsibilities of the member states."
That is not end of the matter, however, since the European Parliament has broad legislative powers and can rewrite the text. All the major blocs in the assembly vowed last November that they would not agree to "water down" the original plans for the new bodies, which are to have "binding powers" to impose decisions.Sven Giegold, a German Green MEP and 'rapporteur' in charge of markets regulation, said the veto on fiscal matters is so vague and sweeping that it enables states to block almost anything. "A European supervisory system in which each government could veto decisions would be rather silly. This veto - as defined - has to go," he said.While the drafting process is confidential, it is understood that the Spanish 'rapporteur' in charge on banking regulation, also favours limiting the veto.
The Parliament is drawing up its version for a planned 'First Reading' by early summer. If the text clashes with Mr Darling's Council version - as it undoubtedly will - the two sides must thrash out a final compromise.
Mats Persson, director of the think tank Open Europe, said the move by Euro-MPs to unpick Mr Darling's deal is a threat to Britain's financial industry. "If MEPs manage to win support for this plan, it will add further momentum to what is already a significant transfer of powers from national regulators to the EU level. These plans will leave the UK Government completely without safeguards against proposals which could hurt the City of London. Crucially, accountability will fall into a black hole between EU regulators and the states. If the crisis taught us anything, it is the importance of holding both regulators and finance ministers to account," he said. Mr Persson added that even if the veto survives for "crisis decisions" the proposals still allow the three regulatory bodies to make binding decision on day-to-day matters by simple majority vote (SMP), with an appeals process also by majority vote. Whatever happens, the EU apparatus will have the final say on how the City runs itself, ending a 300-hundred year tradition of self-rule at a single stroke.Peter Skinner, a UK Labour MEP drafting a report on the insurance part of the three-legged structure, said he doubted that matters would ever reach the point where Britain would be overruled, adding that it would be absurd if a majority of states with no real financial industry were to impose decisions on a global financial hub such as London.Mr Skinner is pushing for a system that gives the Financial Service Authority and other regulators a stronger say, but ultimately the conclusions of all the MEPS involved in the process will be moulded together into one position that must reflect the will of European Parliament. That body is in no mood to do favours for Britain or the City of London.
By Ambrose Evans-Pritchard - Published: 5:25PM GMT 02 Feb 2010
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/finance/comment/ambroseevans_pritchard/7139497/Threat-to-City-of-London-as-EU-Parliament-seeks-to-whittle-away-power-to-veto.htmlas-EU-Parliament-seeks-to-whittle-away-power-to-veto.html
The Euro-MPs in charge of drafting the rules for oversight bodies covering banking and markets aim to make it much harder for Britain or other states to use an "emergency brake" to block decisions on regulation, and perhaps to strip them of their veto altogether.Alistair Darling, the Chancellor, thought he had secured a safeguard clause in a deal with fellow EU ministers late last year. The agreement stipulates that states can take their case to the European Council - the supreme EU body made up by heads of government - where decisions are taken by unanimity, if they think that a ruling by a trio of EU supervisory authorities "impinges on in any way on the fiscal responsibilities of the member states."
That is not end of the matter, however, since the European Parliament has broad legislative powers and can rewrite the text. All the major blocs in the assembly vowed last November that they would not agree to "water down" the original plans for the new bodies, which are to have "binding powers" to impose decisions.Sven Giegold, a German Green MEP and 'rapporteur' in charge of markets regulation, said the veto on fiscal matters is so vague and sweeping that it enables states to block almost anything. "A European supervisory system in which each government could veto decisions would be rather silly. This veto - as defined - has to go," he said.While the drafting process is confidential, it is understood that the Spanish 'rapporteur' in charge on banking regulation, also favours limiting the veto.
The Parliament is drawing up its version for a planned 'First Reading' by early summer. If the text clashes with Mr Darling's Council version - as it undoubtedly will - the two sides must thrash out a final compromise.
Mats Persson, director of the think tank Open Europe, said the move by Euro-MPs to unpick Mr Darling's deal is a threat to Britain's financial industry. "If MEPs manage to win support for this plan, it will add further momentum to what is already a significant transfer of powers from national regulators to the EU level. These plans will leave the UK Government completely without safeguards against proposals which could hurt the City of London. Crucially, accountability will fall into a black hole between EU regulators and the states. If the crisis taught us anything, it is the importance of holding both regulators and finance ministers to account," he said. Mr Persson added that even if the veto survives for "crisis decisions" the proposals still allow the three regulatory bodies to make binding decision on day-to-day matters by simple majority vote (SMP), with an appeals process also by majority vote. Whatever happens, the EU apparatus will have the final say on how the City runs itself, ending a 300-hundred year tradition of self-rule at a single stroke.Peter Skinner, a UK Labour MEP drafting a report on the insurance part of the three-legged structure, said he doubted that matters would ever reach the point where Britain would be overruled, adding that it would be absurd if a majority of states with no real financial industry were to impose decisions on a global financial hub such as London.Mr Skinner is pushing for a system that gives the Financial Service Authority and other regulators a stronger say, but ultimately the conclusions of all the MEPS involved in the process will be moulded together into one position that must reflect the will of European Parliament. That body is in no mood to do favours for Britain or the City of London.
Thursday, October 21, 2010
Tuesday, October 19, 2010
The Handstand October Issue 2010
Press Release 10/19/2010
Dutch police raided the offices of a company leasing cranes for building the West Bank Separation Fence and settlements. Company executives, including the Israeli Doron Livnat, may face trial for violating International Law. Dutch government warned the Riwal Company two years ago not to engage in construction in the Occupied Trritories. Gush Shalom: another warning sign of the abyss of international isolation into which the Government of Israel leads us
A few days ago, the Dutch police's National Crime Squad raided the offices of the Riwal Holding Group in the city of Dordrecht, confiscating computers documents relating to the leasing of cranes owned by the the company's Israeli branch for the construction of the "Separation Wall" and of settlements in the Occupied Territories. Police findings have been passed on to the Dutch State Prosecution, which should decide whether or not to prosecute the corporate executives - including the Israeli businessman Doron Livnat – on charges of violating International Law.
The affair started with the 2004 ruling by the International Court in The Hague, which determined that construction of the "Separation Wall" within the West Bank territory constituted a violation of International Law, and that if Israel wants to build a border fence to prevent infiltration into its territory it should have been placed on the border, i.e. on the Green Line. Accordingly, the International Court judges called for upon all UN member states and Geneva Convention signatories not to cooperate with erection of the Wall and to prevent their citizens from any such cooperation.
In 2006, a Dutch television crew filmed cranes active in construction of the Separation Fence and of settlements, which bore the Riwal Company logo. Dutch Labour Party MP's raised the issue and addressed parliamentary questions to the Minister of Foreign Affairs. As a result, the Dutch Government in 2008 warned the Riwal company not to engage in activities at the Occupied Territories. But the organization "United Civilians for Peace" in Amsterdam found evidence that the company ignored the government warning and continued this activity.
Last year the Palestinian human rights organization Al Haq of Ramallah engaged the Dutch law firm Bohler. On its behalf, Adv. Liesbeth Zegveld lodged this year a complaint to the legal authorities. The raid on the Riwal Dordrecht offices is a tangible result of this activity.
from ADAM KELLER
Dutch police raided the offices of a company leasing cranes for building the West Bank Separation Fence and settlements. Company executives, including the Israeli Doron Livnat, may face trial for violating International Law. Dutch government warned the Riwal Company two years ago not to engage in construction in the Occupied Trritories. Gush Shalom: another warning sign of the abyss of international isolation into which the Government of Israel leads us
A few days ago, the Dutch police's National Crime Squad raided the offices of the Riwal Holding Group in the city of Dordrecht, confiscating computers documents relating to the leasing of cranes owned by the the company's Israeli branch for the construction of the "Separation Wall" and of settlements in the Occupied Territories. Police findings have been passed on to the Dutch State Prosecution, which should decide whether or not to prosecute the corporate executives - including the Israeli businessman Doron Livnat – on charges of violating International Law.
The affair started with the 2004 ruling by the International Court in The Hague, which determined that construction of the "Separation Wall" within the West Bank territory constituted a violation of International Law, and that if Israel wants to build a border fence to prevent infiltration into its territory it should have been placed on the border, i.e. on the Green Line. Accordingly, the International Court judges called for upon all UN member states and Geneva Convention signatories not to cooperate with erection of the Wall and to prevent their citizens from any such cooperation.
In 2006, a Dutch television crew filmed cranes active in construction of the Separation Fence and of settlements, which bore the Riwal Company logo. Dutch Labour Party MP's raised the issue and addressed parliamentary questions to the Minister of Foreign Affairs. As a result, the Dutch Government in 2008 warned the Riwal company not to engage in activities at the Occupied Territories. But the organization "United Civilians for Peace" in Amsterdam found evidence that the company ignored the government warning and continued this activity.
Last year the Palestinian human rights organization Al Haq of Ramallah engaged the Dutch law firm Bohler. On its behalf, Adv. Liesbeth Zegveld lodged this year a complaint to the legal authorities. The raid on the Riwal Dordrecht offices is a tangible result of this activity.
from ADAM KELLER
Sunday, October 17, 2010
THE HANDSTAND October Issue 2010
Chile's Ghosts Are Not Being Rescued
By John PilgerOctober 15, 2010
"Information Clearing House" --- -The rescue of 33 miners in Chile is an extraordinary drama filled with pathos and heroism. It is also a media windfall for the Chilean government, whose every beneficence is recorded by a forest of cameras. One cannot fail to be impressed. However, like all great media events, it is a façade.The accident that trapped the miners is not unusual in Chile and the inevitable consequence of a ruthless economic system that has barely changed since the dictatorship of General Augusto Pinochet. Copper is Chile’s gold, and the frequency of mining disasters keeps pace with prices and profits. There are, on average, 39 fatal accidents every year in Chile’s privatised mines. The San Jose mine, where the m en work, became so unsafe in 2007 it had to be closed – but not for long. On 30 July last, a labour department report warned again of “serious safety deficiencies ”, but the minister took no action. Six days later, the men were entombed.For all the media circus at the rescue site, contemporary Chile is a country of the unspoken. At the Villa Grimaldi, in the suburbs of the capital Santiago, a sign says: “The forgotten past is full of memory.” This was the torture centre where hundreds of people were murdered and disappeared for opposing the fascism that General Augusto Pinochet and his business allies brought to Chile. Its ghostly presence is overseen by the beauty of the Andes, and the man who unlocks the gate used to live nearby and remembers the screams.I was taken there one wintry morning in 2006 by Sara De Witt, who was imprisoned as a student activist and now lives in London. She was electrocuted and beaten, yet survived. Later, we drove to the home of Salvador Allende, the great democrat and reformer who perished when Pinochet seized power on 11 September 1973 – Latin America’s own 9/11. His house is a silent white building without a sign or a plaque.Everywhere, it seems, Allende’s name has been eliminated. Only in the lone memorial in the cemetery are the words engraved “Presidente de la Republica” as part of a remembrance of the “ejecutados Politicos”: those “executed for political reasons”. Allende died by his own hand as Pinochet bombed the presidential palace with British planes as the American ambassador watched.Today, Chile is a democracy, though many would dispute that, notably those in the barrios forced to scavenge for food and steal electricity. In 1990, Pinochet bequeathed a constitutionally compromised system as a condition of his retirement and the military’s withdrawal to the political shadows. This ensures that the broadly reformist parties, known as Concertacion, are permanently divided or drawn into legitimising the economic designs of the heirs of the dictator. At the last election, the right-wing Coalition for Change, the creation of Pinochet’s ideologue Jaime Guzman, took power under president Sebastian Piñera. The bloody extinction of true democracy that began with the death of Allende was, by stealth, complete.Piñera is a billionaire who controls a slice of the mining, energy and retail industries. He made his fortune in the aftermath of Pinochet’s coup and during the free-market “experiments” of the zealots from the University of Chicago, known as the Chicago Boys. His brother and former business partner, Jose Piñera, a labour minister under Pinochet, privatised mining and state pensions and all but destroyed the trade unions. This was applauded in Washington as an “economic miracle”, a model of the new cult of neo-liberalism that would sweep the continent and ensure control from the north.Today Chile is critical to President Barack Obama’s rollback of the independent democracies in Ecuador, Bolivia and Venezuela. Piñera’s closest ally is Washington’s main man, Juan Manuel Santos, the new president of Colombia, home to seven US bases and an infamous human rights record familiar to Chileans who suffered under Pinochet’s terror.Post-Pinochet Chile has kept its own enduring abuses in shadow. The families still attempting to recover from the torture or disappearance of a loved bear the prejudice of the state and employers. Those not silent are the Mapuche people, the only indigenous nation the Spanish conquistadors could not defeat. In the late 19th century, the European settlers of an independent Chile waged their racist War of Extermination against the Mapuche who were left as impoverished outsiders. During Allende’s thousand days in power this began to change. Some Mapuche lands were returned and a debt of justice was recognised.Since then, a vicious, largely unreported war has been waged against the Mapuche. Forestry corporations have been allowed to take their land, and their resistance has been met with murders, disappearances and arbitrary prosecutions under “anti terrorism” laws enacted by the dictatorship. In their campaigns of civil disobedience, none of the Mapuche has harmed anyone. The mere accusation of a landowner or businessman that the Mapuche “might” trespass on their own ancestral lands is often enough for the police to charge them with offences that lead to Kafkaesque trials with faceless witnesses and prison sentences of up to 20 years. They are, in effect, political prisoners.While the world rejoices at the spectacle of the miners’ rescue, 38 Mapuche hunger strikers have not been news. They are demanding an end to the Pinochet laws used against them, such as “terrorist arson”, and the justice of a real democracy. On 9 October, all but one of the hunger strikers ended their protest after 90 days without food. A young Mapuche, Luis Marileo, says he will go on. On 18 October, President Piñera is due to give a lecture on “current events” at the London School of Economics. He should be reminded of their ordeal and why.www.johnpilger.com
By John PilgerOctober 15, 2010
"Information Clearing House" --- -The rescue of 33 miners in Chile is an extraordinary drama filled with pathos and heroism. It is also a media windfall for the Chilean government, whose every beneficence is recorded by a forest of cameras. One cannot fail to be impressed. However, like all great media events, it is a façade.The accident that trapped the miners is not unusual in Chile and the inevitable consequence of a ruthless economic system that has barely changed since the dictatorship of General Augusto Pinochet. Copper is Chile’s gold, and the frequency of mining disasters keeps pace with prices and profits. There are, on average, 39 fatal accidents every year in Chile’s privatised mines. The San Jose mine, where the m en work, became so unsafe in 2007 it had to be closed – but not for long. On 30 July last, a labour department report warned again of “serious safety deficiencies ”, but the minister took no action. Six days later, the men were entombed.For all the media circus at the rescue site, contemporary Chile is a country of the unspoken. At the Villa Grimaldi, in the suburbs of the capital Santiago, a sign says: “The forgotten past is full of memory.” This was the torture centre where hundreds of people were murdered and disappeared for opposing the fascism that General Augusto Pinochet and his business allies brought to Chile. Its ghostly presence is overseen by the beauty of the Andes, and the man who unlocks the gate used to live nearby and remembers the screams.I was taken there one wintry morning in 2006 by Sara De Witt, who was imprisoned as a student activist and now lives in London. She was electrocuted and beaten, yet survived. Later, we drove to the home of Salvador Allende, the great democrat and reformer who perished when Pinochet seized power on 11 September 1973 – Latin America’s own 9/11. His house is a silent white building without a sign or a plaque.Everywhere, it seems, Allende’s name has been eliminated. Only in the lone memorial in the cemetery are the words engraved “Presidente de la Republica” as part of a remembrance of the “ejecutados Politicos”: those “executed for political reasons”. Allende died by his own hand as Pinochet bombed the presidential palace with British planes as the American ambassador watched.Today, Chile is a democracy, though many would dispute that, notably those in the barrios forced to scavenge for food and steal electricity. In 1990, Pinochet bequeathed a constitutionally compromised system as a condition of his retirement and the military’s withdrawal to the political shadows. This ensures that the broadly reformist parties, known as Concertacion, are permanently divided or drawn into legitimising the economic designs of the heirs of the dictator. At the last election, the right-wing Coalition for Change, the creation of Pinochet’s ideologue Jaime Guzman, took power under president Sebastian Piñera. The bloody extinction of true democracy that began with the death of Allende was, by stealth, complete.Piñera is a billionaire who controls a slice of the mining, energy and retail industries. He made his fortune in the aftermath of Pinochet’s coup and during the free-market “experiments” of the zealots from the University of Chicago, known as the Chicago Boys. His brother and former business partner, Jose Piñera, a labour minister under Pinochet, privatised mining and state pensions and all but destroyed the trade unions. This was applauded in Washington as an “economic miracle”, a model of the new cult of neo-liberalism that would sweep the continent and ensure control from the north.Today Chile is critical to President Barack Obama’s rollback of the independent democracies in Ecuador, Bolivia and Venezuela. Piñera’s closest ally is Washington’s main man, Juan Manuel Santos, the new president of Colombia, home to seven US bases and an infamous human rights record familiar to Chileans who suffered under Pinochet’s terror.Post-Pinochet Chile has kept its own enduring abuses in shadow. The families still attempting to recover from the torture or disappearance of a loved bear the prejudice of the state and employers. Those not silent are the Mapuche people, the only indigenous nation the Spanish conquistadors could not defeat. In the late 19th century, the European settlers of an independent Chile waged their racist War of Extermination against the Mapuche who were left as impoverished outsiders. During Allende’s thousand days in power this began to change. Some Mapuche lands were returned and a debt of justice was recognised.Since then, a vicious, largely unreported war has been waged against the Mapuche. Forestry corporations have been allowed to take their land, and their resistance has been met with murders, disappearances and arbitrary prosecutions under “anti terrorism” laws enacted by the dictatorship. In their campaigns of civil disobedience, none of the Mapuche has harmed anyone. The mere accusation of a landowner or businessman that the Mapuche “might” trespass on their own ancestral lands is often enough for the police to charge them with offences that lead to Kafkaesque trials with faceless witnesses and prison sentences of up to 20 years. They are, in effect, political prisoners.While the world rejoices at the spectacle of the miners’ rescue, 38 Mapuche hunger strikers have not been news. They are demanding an end to the Pinochet laws used against them, such as “terrorist arson”, and the justice of a real democracy. On 9 October, all but one of the hunger strikers ended their protest after 90 days without food. A young Mapuche, Luis Marileo, says he will go on. On 18 October, President Piñera is due to give a lecture on “current events” at the London School of Economics. He should be reminded of their ordeal and why.www.johnpilger.com
Friday, October 15, 2010
THE HANDSTAND October Issue 2010
MIDEAST: Dreaming of Fish, and Flowers
Mohammed Omer
GAZA CITY, Sep 16 (IPS) - As the many colours of the fish andflowers slowly disappear from the Gaza landscape, the alreadygrim prospects of the besieged residents begins to look evenbleaker.Fishing was a profession that used to keep thousands offishermen and their families fed, but with Israel restrictingthe movements of fishermen, the catches are diminishing.The same fate has overtaken the local flower farmers whosecarnations were the delight of lovers and loved ones acrossEurope. Gaza used to export 75 million flowers to the EU dutyfree, before Israel embargoed all export.There is little movement on the harbour during the day. Only afew fishing boats line the piers of the Gaza Strip."The fish are waiting, but the fishermen are being kept away,"says Zaki Al- Habeel, 33- year-old, father of seven. But justbefore sunset, he is ready to go fishing.Al-Habeel is not allowed to go as far out as he used to. Thefishermen have been set a limit of three miles. "But it is notreally three full miles," he says.Often he is only a mile-and-a-half out before the Israeli navyfires at him. Al-Habeel and his brothers who are all fishermenrisk injuries and damage to equipment every time they sail out.Over the last decade, the Israeli navy has increasinglyrestricted Palestinian access to fishing zones along the Gazabeach, a UN report revealed last month.The United Nations Office for the Coordination of HumanitarianAffairs (UNOCHA) compiled the report in cooperation with theWorld Food Programme (WFP).The report said Palestinian fishermen have been barred from 85percent of the naval territory to which they are entitled underthe Oslo Agreement of 1993 between Israel and the PLO.The report also focused on the buffer zone between Israel andGaza where farmers are shot at for tilling their own lands. Thereport mentions 22 Palestinians killed and 146 wounded in suchincidents since January 2009.Yet the farmers and fishermen continue to access theseprohibited areas, risking their life and limb.As Al-Habeel says, he and his brothers "have to feed ourfamilies". The last time, the Israeli navy shot out the fuellines that are connected to his boat. Al-Habeel was justrelieved they did not hit the small fuel tank, which isexpensive and hard to find.Last month, a 22-year-old fisherman was hospitalised withgunshot injuries, when he was perhaps a little more than twomiles from the shore, other fishermen said.The plight of the flower growers is just as wretched.Gaza-grown carnations, marketed under the brand name Coral,were popular all over Europe. But the situation has been goingdownhill for a while. In 2008, IPS had interviewed the carnationfarmer Majed Hadaeid when his situation was quite desperate.He had owned a 130-dunam (32-acre) farm yielding 16-17 millioncarnations a year in 30 different varieties and colours. Thisyear he has lost his entire four-million-dollar business, and isburdened with debts amounting to 1.5 million dollars.There is a faint hope though. The European Campaign to Breakthe Siege on Gaza announced in July that more than 9,000delegates have applied to take a 'freedom flotilla' to Gaza.They are raising 100,000 euros to send an Irish ship thisautumn.Hadaeid hopes these aid boats from Europe will help the otherfarmers to survive. "We need the flotillas to keep upcontinuous pressure on Israel," he said.The fishermen nostalgically remember that day in August 2008when the first flotilla arrived and members of the Free GazaMovement joined them on their boats.Al-Habeel says, "We were then able to get as far as six milesto fish."Everyone cheers the news of another flotilla. Fatima Subhi, a49-year-old, schoolteacher said, "I welcome such delegations."The news has not all been positive though. In May this year,Israelis attacked the Turkish aid boat Mavi Marmara killingmany people on board, including a Turkish-American passenger.Turkish flags are seen at almost every street corner. Adish-seller is wearing a Turkish flag as a T-shirt. "They shedtheir blood for us, so we wear their flag over our hearts," hesays.This summer, quite a few Turkish names have appeared on shopfronts. There is the Marmara Restaurant, the Istanbul Café anda ladies cosmetics shop simply called Istanbul.Samir Al-Ejjel, who owns a shop selling carnations, hasdesigned a bouquet he calls Erdogan in honour of the TurkishPrime Minister and has a Turkish flag flying outside his shop.There was a report in the Israeli daily Maariv last week thatthousands of activists from Western nations, as well as fromArab countries and even Israeli citizens, were preparing to senda flotilla of 30 ships.Al-Habeel likes to think that the many different people whocame by land or sea were just like the wide varieties of fishhe used to catch.As he waits hopefully for the flotillas to return, a youngerfisherman talks about the "beautiful ladies" who were on board."The Israelis do not dare to shoot at (European) women," he sayswith a smile."Those flotillas gave us hope that rights can be protected -even under gunfire," he added.In the past, the fishermen and flower farmers have appealed tothe EU for support. But with governments turning a deaf ear,they call on humanitarian activists from around the world. Theyhold on to the hope that by Christmas there will be morevarieties of fish on the table here, and colourful Gazacarnations in the markets of Europe. (FIN/2010)
Mohammed Omer
GAZA CITY, Sep 16 (IPS) - As the many colours of the fish andflowers slowly disappear from the Gaza landscape, the alreadygrim prospects of the besieged residents begins to look evenbleaker.Fishing was a profession that used to keep thousands offishermen and their families fed, but with Israel restrictingthe movements of fishermen, the catches are diminishing.The same fate has overtaken the local flower farmers whosecarnations were the delight of lovers and loved ones acrossEurope. Gaza used to export 75 million flowers to the EU dutyfree, before Israel embargoed all export.There is little movement on the harbour during the day. Only afew fishing boats line the piers of the Gaza Strip."The fish are waiting, but the fishermen are being kept away,"says Zaki Al- Habeel, 33- year-old, father of seven. But justbefore sunset, he is ready to go fishing.Al-Habeel is not allowed to go as far out as he used to. Thefishermen have been set a limit of three miles. "But it is notreally three full miles," he says.Often he is only a mile-and-a-half out before the Israeli navyfires at him. Al-Habeel and his brothers who are all fishermenrisk injuries and damage to equipment every time they sail out.Over the last decade, the Israeli navy has increasinglyrestricted Palestinian access to fishing zones along the Gazabeach, a UN report revealed last month.The United Nations Office for the Coordination of HumanitarianAffairs (UNOCHA) compiled the report in cooperation with theWorld Food Programme (WFP).The report said Palestinian fishermen have been barred from 85percent of the naval territory to which they are entitled underthe Oslo Agreement of 1993 between Israel and the PLO.The report also focused on the buffer zone between Israel andGaza where farmers are shot at for tilling their own lands. Thereport mentions 22 Palestinians killed and 146 wounded in suchincidents since January 2009.Yet the farmers and fishermen continue to access theseprohibited areas, risking their life and limb.As Al-Habeel says, he and his brothers "have to feed ourfamilies". The last time, the Israeli navy shot out the fuellines that are connected to his boat. Al-Habeel was justrelieved they did not hit the small fuel tank, which isexpensive and hard to find.Last month, a 22-year-old fisherman was hospitalised withgunshot injuries, when he was perhaps a little more than twomiles from the shore, other fishermen said.The plight of the flower growers is just as wretched.Gaza-grown carnations, marketed under the brand name Coral,were popular all over Europe. But the situation has been goingdownhill for a while. In 2008, IPS had interviewed the carnationfarmer Majed Hadaeid when his situation was quite desperate.He had owned a 130-dunam (32-acre) farm yielding 16-17 millioncarnations a year in 30 different varieties and colours. Thisyear he has lost his entire four-million-dollar business, and isburdened with debts amounting to 1.5 million dollars.There is a faint hope though. The European Campaign to Breakthe Siege on Gaza announced in July that more than 9,000delegates have applied to take a 'freedom flotilla' to Gaza.They are raising 100,000 euros to send an Irish ship thisautumn.Hadaeid hopes these aid boats from Europe will help the otherfarmers to survive. "We need the flotillas to keep upcontinuous pressure on Israel," he said.The fishermen nostalgically remember that day in August 2008when the first flotilla arrived and members of the Free GazaMovement joined them on their boats.Al-Habeel says, "We were then able to get as far as six milesto fish."Everyone cheers the news of another flotilla. Fatima Subhi, a49-year-old, schoolteacher said, "I welcome such delegations."The news has not all been positive though. In May this year,Israelis attacked the Turkish aid boat Mavi Marmara killingmany people on board, including a Turkish-American passenger.Turkish flags are seen at almost every street corner. Adish-seller is wearing a Turkish flag as a T-shirt. "They shedtheir blood for us, so we wear their flag over our hearts," hesays.This summer, quite a few Turkish names have appeared on shopfronts. There is the Marmara Restaurant, the Istanbul Café anda ladies cosmetics shop simply called Istanbul.Samir Al-Ejjel, who owns a shop selling carnations, hasdesigned a bouquet he calls Erdogan in honour of the TurkishPrime Minister and has a Turkish flag flying outside his shop.There was a report in the Israeli daily Maariv last week thatthousands of activists from Western nations, as well as fromArab countries and even Israeli citizens, were preparing to senda flotilla of 30 ships.Al-Habeel likes to think that the many different people whocame by land or sea were just like the wide varieties of fishhe used to catch.As he waits hopefully for the flotillas to return, a youngerfisherman talks about the "beautiful ladies" who were on board."The Israelis do not dare to shoot at (European) women," he sayswith a smile."Those flotillas gave us hope that rights can be protected -even under gunfire," he added.In the past, the fishermen and flower farmers have appealed tothe EU for support. But with governments turning a deaf ear,they call on humanitarian activists from around the world. Theyhold on to the hope that by Christmas there will be morevarieties of fish on the table here, and colourful Gazacarnations in the markets of Europe. (FIN/2010)
Thursday, October 14, 2010
THE HANDSTAND October Issue 2010
Linda Norgrove - her murder by logger "Xymphora"
I'm sure many may say this is just a 'conspiracy theory', and at best we can never know what happened. I seriously beg to differ. Consider:
local negotiators were certain they could gain her release through negotiations and the payment of ransom (as they had done in other situations), but the Americans rushed the 'rescue' on the bogus excuse, with no evidence whatsoever and in the face of established local practice, that she was about to be smuggled to Pakistan where she would be killed by 'al Qaeda';
the grenade thrown in a hostage 'rescue' by 'crack' American special forces;
the elaborate lies piled on to describe the evil Taliban and how they slaughtered this poor defenseless aid worker;
the fact that the Taliban denied being involved, and were even being paid protection money to lay off the aid workers;
the control of the area by warlord Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, associated with drug smuggling and the CIA, whose people would be by far the most likely to be in a position to grab anyone in the area. I know this was murder. By Americans. Probably to protect CIA drug smuggling operations.
at 10/12/2010
I'm sure many may say this is just a 'conspiracy theory', and at best we can never know what happened. I seriously beg to differ. Consider:
local negotiators were certain they could gain her release through negotiations and the payment of ransom (as they had done in other situations), but the Americans rushed the 'rescue' on the bogus excuse, with no evidence whatsoever and in the face of established local practice, that she was about to be smuggled to Pakistan where she would be killed by 'al Qaeda';
the grenade thrown in a hostage 'rescue' by 'crack' American special forces;
the elaborate lies piled on to describe the evil Taliban and how they slaughtered this poor defenseless aid worker;
the fact that the Taliban denied being involved, and were even being paid protection money to lay off the aid workers;
the control of the area by warlord Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, associated with drug smuggling and the CIA, whose people would be by far the most likely to be in a position to grab anyone in the area. I know this was murder. By Americans. Probably to protect CIA drug smuggling operations.
at 10/12/2010
THE HANDSTAND October Issue 2010
from www.juancole.com
Top Ten Questions about Chile Mine Collapse: Was it Nixon-Kissinger’s Fault?
Posted on October 14, 2010 by Juan
102Share
The corporate mass media (especially television) did not treat the Chilean mine collapse as a labor story but rather as a feel-good human interest story. It not only avoided asking hard questions about why the near-disaster occurred and why the mine workers could be treated like guinea pigs by their employers, it actively obscured these questions. I saw a psychobabbling guest of Tony Harris on CNN actually talking about how the Chilean government is the father figure for the miners and their supporters and people are turning to it for succor and inspiration. I threw up a little in my mouth.
So here are the questions that a social historian would ask about the sorry episode, and which I never heard anyone on television news ask during all the wall to wall coverage:
1. What were the miners mining? (A.: Gold and copper).
2. Did the high price of gold and the fact that the mining company was close to bankruptcy cause the company executives to cut corners?
3. Are the mine owners guilty of criminal negligence?
4. Why did the San Estaban mining company reopen the mine so quickly after an earlier tunnel collapse severed the leg of a mine worker?
5. Why is there no accountability for the mine owners?
6. Is George W. Bush-style deregulation of the mining industry by the Chilean government part of the problem here?
7. [pdf] What is the influence of big gold and copper corporations over US policy?
8. Are copper and gold mine owners stronger in relation to workers and have they escaped government regulation because the US engineered a coup in 1973 to destroy the Chilean Left?
9. Was the San Estaban mining company’s ability to marginalize the union and to disregard input from the workers rooted in American-imposed corporate privilege?
10. In other words, was the trapping of these workers in the first place Richard Nixon’s and Henry Kissinger’s fault?
Top Ten Questions about Chile Mine Collapse: Was it Nixon-Kissinger’s Fault?
Posted on October 14, 2010 by Juan
102Share
The corporate mass media (especially television) did not treat the Chilean mine collapse as a labor story but rather as a feel-good human interest story. It not only avoided asking hard questions about why the near-disaster occurred and why the mine workers could be treated like guinea pigs by their employers, it actively obscured these questions. I saw a psychobabbling guest of Tony Harris on CNN actually talking about how the Chilean government is the father figure for the miners and their supporters and people are turning to it for succor and inspiration. I threw up a little in my mouth.
So here are the questions that a social historian would ask about the sorry episode, and which I never heard anyone on television news ask during all the wall to wall coverage:
1. What were the miners mining? (A.: Gold and copper).
2. Did the high price of gold and the fact that the mining company was close to bankruptcy cause the company executives to cut corners?
3. Are the mine owners guilty of criminal negligence?
4. Why did the San Estaban mining company reopen the mine so quickly after an earlier tunnel collapse severed the leg of a mine worker?
5. Why is there no accountability for the mine owners?
6. Is George W. Bush-style deregulation of the mining industry by the Chilean government part of the problem here?
7. [pdf] What is the influence of big gold and copper corporations over US policy?
8. Are copper and gold mine owners stronger in relation to workers and have they escaped government regulation because the US engineered a coup in 1973 to destroy the Chilean Left?
9. Was the San Estaban mining company’s ability to marginalize the union and to disregard input from the workers rooted in American-imposed corporate privilege?
10. In other words, was the trapping of these workers in the first place Richard Nixon’s and Henry Kissinger’s fault?
THE HANDSTAND October Issue 2010
10/12/2010
Interview With Conductor Kurt Masur
'The Spirit of 1989 Has Been Exhausted'
Carlo Lannutti
Renowned German conductor Kurt Masur, a former music director of the New York Philharmonic, talks about his part in the peaceful revolution of 1989, East German leader Erich Honecker's understanding of culture and the contents of the file the East German Stasi secret police kept on him.
Kurt Masur, 83, is considered one of Germany's most important conductors. In a SPIEGEL interview, he discusses his role in the peaceful revolution of 1989, his troubled dealings with officials in Communist East Germany and how German reunification has left many eastern Germans in despair.
SPIEGEL: Professor Masur, you're credited with being one of the people who kept the Monday demonstrations held in Leipzig in 1989 to protest the East German government from turning bloody. As the situation was threatening to escalate, loudspeakers in Leipzig broadcast your appeal, in which you asked the city's inhabitants: "We urgently request that you remain calm so as to make peaceful dialogue possible." And, as it turned out, the demonstrations did remain peaceful. What's left of the spirit of that era?
Kurt Masur: I'm reluctant to answer this question. The spirit of those days has pretty much been exhausted, and things haven't turned out well for everyone. In fact, for many people, reunification has meant more suffering than gain. And many are quite desperate.
SPIEGEL: What do you mean by desperate?
Masur: I know of people who decided to kill themselves because they'd lost everything dependable in their lives. Just look in the eyes of the young people: Just one year after reunification, most had lost their sparkle. On the one hand, there's unemployment and the feeling of being superfluous. On the other hand, many in this generation never even try to find a job. They figure out that they can live fairly well off government benefits and earning a little extra money on the side.
SPIEGEL: You sound disappointed. Were your hopes really so high in 1989?
Masur: It was heaven on Earth. I've never seen so many happy faces as I did on that October 9 (the day of the largest protest). It was a peaceful revolution. And it was proof that people in the German Democratic Republic (GDR) had learned to act in a very politically deliberate way. I'm still impressed by how smart they were -- and by the way the security forces remained calm. On that day, not even a single window was broken.
SPIEGEL: Did you really see those events as a revolution?
Masur: In a certain sense, yes. When 17- and 18-year-olds said goodbye to their parents that day, it was like they were heading off to war. But everyone had had enough. All of them -- all 70,000 of them -- were able to overcome their fears.
SPIEGEL: Military units were deployed around Leipzig, ready to respond to the protests.
Masur: We could only make guesses about that. We'd read in the paper that, if necessary, the protests would be broken up by force of arms. When they heard that, representatives from the New Forum (editor's note: a reform movement started in 1989) got in touch with me. My office at the Gewandhaus became something of a communications center that day. I called Kurt Meyer, the party's cultural representative. When he called back two hours before the demonstration was supposed to get underway, a small group gathered at our house and rushed to draft the appeal, which I then went on to record onto a tape.
SPIEGEL: A total of six people signed the appeal: a theologian, a cabaret performer, three district secretaries for the ruling Socialist Unity Party (SED) and you.
Masur: Yes, I wasn't the only hero. We were a miniature version of the people, and we had to agree on consistent wording. The three comrades from the party hadn't received specific instructions from Berlin, so they were constantly telephoning back and forth.
SPIEGEL: Did it feel like you were making history?
Masur: At the time, we weren't thinking about changing the world. The most important thing was to act. For weeks, the public mood had been at breaking point. At a certain point, the Gewandhaus Orchestra had to call off a recording we were making. The oboe soloist apologized, saying: "Mr. Masur, I can't do it anymore. I just passed by the church, and they were throwing a young girl onto a truck by her hair."
SPIEGEL: You led a performance on the night of October 9. How did the concert go?
Masur: Well, the demonstration was over, and no shots had been fired. But, just in case, I put on my tailcoat. The orchestra manager came and said: "The house is full; all the musicians are here. We can begin." That was the strangest part about this revolution: The revolution was Monday evening and, by Tuesday morning at the latest, everyone went back to work as usual. I will never forget that concert.
SPIEGEL: As part of your job, you had to deal not only with intellectuals and artists, but also with members of the Communist Party. Was your loyalty ever questioned?
Masur: Only someone who hadn't lived in the GDR would see a contradiction there. Leipzig is one of Europe's music centers. Bach, Mendelssohn, Brahms, they all worked there, and the Gewandhaus belongs to the heart of the city. As its director, of course I had to work with the people who ran the country and the city. I welcomed Mr. Honecker (the GDR's leader from 1971 to 1989) to my concert hall just as graciously as I would have kissed the Queen of England's hand if she had come there. I was the host.
Doing Something for the Common Good
SPIEGEL: You succeeded in convincing Honecker to let you have a new building -- and one that attracted a lot of attention. It's located right in the heart of the old city and was the only dedicated concert hall built during the GDR era. What did you have to do to get it?
Masur: I wrote to him. Our 200th anniversary was approaching, in 1981. And, since the end of the war, the orchestra had been temporarily housed in a convention hall near the zoo. When the music was quieter, you could hear the lions roar. We were on the verge of embarrassing ourselves in front of the entire world. So, having first figured out how I was supposed to address him, I shared this with "Comrade Honecker."
SPIEGEL: And what was his response?
Masur: He addressed me as "Comrade Masur," which was incorrect, since I wasn't in the party. But the respect he showed the orchestral tradition was remarkable. For example, every year, all of the orchestras in the GDR had to perform a world premiere of a commissioned work by a young composer. I only wish some of the politicians today could have similar foresight when it comes to these kinds of things.
SPIEGEL: You brought a lot of public criticism on yourself by writing a thank-you letter to Honecker after his political career came to an end. Were you a supporter of his?
Masur: No, but there were reasons for me to thank him. In the case of the Gewandhaus, he used his position to do something for the common good.
SPIEGEL: The GDR also saw people shot and killed for trying to cross the border, an economy of scarcity, political prisoners and a secret police, the Stasi, that spied on ordinary citizens. Were you living in an unjust state?
Masur: That's not an easy question to answer. The basic idea behind Communism wasn't dictatorial in nature. And the premise of socialism -- that every individual is of equal worth -- was also fine. But, of course, everything that came after that was a dictatorship, and it reached its high point under Stalin. There were moments when it curtailed my own freedom, as well.
SPIEGEL: How?
Masur: Until 1964, I worked at the Komische Oper Berlin under Walter Felsenstein. For the next three years, I was unemployed, so to speak. I didn't have an orchestra, and I wasn't allowed to travel to the West for guest-conducting engagements. In political terms, they wanted to starve me out a bit.
SPIEGEL: Why?
Masur: There had been a number of incidents. I was part of a group of people who worked in the arts who had been invited to meet with the Central Committee. Walter Ulbricht (editor's note: then the general secretary of the SED, the East German communist party) gave an impassioned speech about an artist's duties in the GDR. Wolfgang Langhoff, who had directed the Deutsches Theater in Berlin, had fallen out of favor, apparently because he hadn't done enough to put himself at the service of socialist realism. Ulbricht really thundered at us. A few days later, there was another talk and a request for us to enter into a dialogue. I responded: "After your displays, discussion is no longer possible." After that, things got rough for me.
SPIEGEL: How did you navigate your way back into favor?
Masur: It wasn't a matter of favor. I had been invited to conduct "Lohengrin" in Venice. And even though I was banned from traveling, I accepted. Then I contacted the minister of culture and explained that, if necessary, I would make the trip even if I didn't have a visa, and that if anything happened to me at the border, he would share in the blame. I had my authorization by noon the next day.
SPIEGEL: Compared to most people in the GDR, you enjoyed a privileged position, like those of athletes.
Masur: That's true. And I was famous enough that I could afford to speak the truth. They knew there was something not quite right about Masur. And, what's more, I was a Christian…
SPIEGEL: …in an atheist regime.
Masur: My religious practices were closely monitored. I once put money in the collection plate after an organ concert at the Church of the Cross (in Dresden) and a minister in the audience asked me: "You support the church?" I replied that the organ was out of tune and the congregation needed money to fix it. The next day, the organ builder contacted me, and he was very unhappy. The Stasi must have told him what I had said.
SPIEGEL: What is in your Stasi file?
Masur: It contains a comprehensive character profile, including my supposedly "strong inclination toward the fairer sex." But all of the entries made around the time of reunification seem to have been destroyed. The file also shows that one of my long-time employees provided the Stasi with details about my friendship with Alfred Schnittke, the Russian composer. Another employee was told to spy on me while we were on tour abroad, but he refused to do so.
SPIEGEL: Did anything happen to you if any of your musicians defected while touring abroad?
Masur: I had to come up with an excuse. And I'm sorry to say that I wasn't the one to coin the best one. That honor goes to the former chief conductor of the Leningrad Philharmonic. A Soviet party functionary once asked him: "Mravinsky, what's the matter! A few of them abandon you every time!" And he responded: "They're not abandoning me; they're abandoning you!"
Interview conducted by Joachim Kronsbein and Katja Thimm
Interview With Conductor Kurt Masur
'The Spirit of 1989 Has Been Exhausted'
Carlo Lannutti
Renowned German conductor Kurt Masur, a former music director of the New York Philharmonic, talks about his part in the peaceful revolution of 1989, East German leader Erich Honecker's understanding of culture and the contents of the file the East German Stasi secret police kept on him.
Kurt Masur, 83, is considered one of Germany's most important conductors. In a SPIEGEL interview, he discusses his role in the peaceful revolution of 1989, his troubled dealings with officials in Communist East Germany and how German reunification has left many eastern Germans in despair.
SPIEGEL: Professor Masur, you're credited with being one of the people who kept the Monday demonstrations held in Leipzig in 1989 to protest the East German government from turning bloody. As the situation was threatening to escalate, loudspeakers in Leipzig broadcast your appeal, in which you asked the city's inhabitants: "We urgently request that you remain calm so as to make peaceful dialogue possible." And, as it turned out, the demonstrations did remain peaceful. What's left of the spirit of that era?
Kurt Masur: I'm reluctant to answer this question. The spirit of those days has pretty much been exhausted, and things haven't turned out well for everyone. In fact, for many people, reunification has meant more suffering than gain. And many are quite desperate.
SPIEGEL: What do you mean by desperate?
Masur: I know of people who decided to kill themselves because they'd lost everything dependable in their lives. Just look in the eyes of the young people: Just one year after reunification, most had lost their sparkle. On the one hand, there's unemployment and the feeling of being superfluous. On the other hand, many in this generation never even try to find a job. They figure out that they can live fairly well off government benefits and earning a little extra money on the side.
SPIEGEL: You sound disappointed. Were your hopes really so high in 1989?
Masur: It was heaven on Earth. I've never seen so many happy faces as I did on that October 9 (the day of the largest protest). It was a peaceful revolution. And it was proof that people in the German Democratic Republic (GDR) had learned to act in a very politically deliberate way. I'm still impressed by how smart they were -- and by the way the security forces remained calm. On that day, not even a single window was broken.
SPIEGEL: Did you really see those events as a revolution?
Masur: In a certain sense, yes. When 17- and 18-year-olds said goodbye to their parents that day, it was like they were heading off to war. But everyone had had enough. All of them -- all 70,000 of them -- were able to overcome their fears.
SPIEGEL: Military units were deployed around Leipzig, ready to respond to the protests.
Masur: We could only make guesses about that. We'd read in the paper that, if necessary, the protests would be broken up by force of arms. When they heard that, representatives from the New Forum (editor's note: a reform movement started in 1989) got in touch with me. My office at the Gewandhaus became something of a communications center that day. I called Kurt Meyer, the party's cultural representative. When he called back two hours before the demonstration was supposed to get underway, a small group gathered at our house and rushed to draft the appeal, which I then went on to record onto a tape.
SPIEGEL: A total of six people signed the appeal: a theologian, a cabaret performer, three district secretaries for the ruling Socialist Unity Party (SED) and you.
Masur: Yes, I wasn't the only hero. We were a miniature version of the people, and we had to agree on consistent wording. The three comrades from the party hadn't received specific instructions from Berlin, so they were constantly telephoning back and forth.
SPIEGEL: Did it feel like you were making history?
Masur: At the time, we weren't thinking about changing the world. The most important thing was to act. For weeks, the public mood had been at breaking point. At a certain point, the Gewandhaus Orchestra had to call off a recording we were making. The oboe soloist apologized, saying: "Mr. Masur, I can't do it anymore. I just passed by the church, and they were throwing a young girl onto a truck by her hair."
SPIEGEL: You led a performance on the night of October 9. How did the concert go?
Masur: Well, the demonstration was over, and no shots had been fired. But, just in case, I put on my tailcoat. The orchestra manager came and said: "The house is full; all the musicians are here. We can begin." That was the strangest part about this revolution: The revolution was Monday evening and, by Tuesday morning at the latest, everyone went back to work as usual. I will never forget that concert.
SPIEGEL: As part of your job, you had to deal not only with intellectuals and artists, but also with members of the Communist Party. Was your loyalty ever questioned?
Masur: Only someone who hadn't lived in the GDR would see a contradiction there. Leipzig is one of Europe's music centers. Bach, Mendelssohn, Brahms, they all worked there, and the Gewandhaus belongs to the heart of the city. As its director, of course I had to work with the people who ran the country and the city. I welcomed Mr. Honecker (the GDR's leader from 1971 to 1989) to my concert hall just as graciously as I would have kissed the Queen of England's hand if she had come there. I was the host.
Doing Something for the Common Good
SPIEGEL: You succeeded in convincing Honecker to let you have a new building -- and one that attracted a lot of attention. It's located right in the heart of the old city and was the only dedicated concert hall built during the GDR era. What did you have to do to get it?
Masur: I wrote to him. Our 200th anniversary was approaching, in 1981. And, since the end of the war, the orchestra had been temporarily housed in a convention hall near the zoo. When the music was quieter, you could hear the lions roar. We were on the verge of embarrassing ourselves in front of the entire world. So, having first figured out how I was supposed to address him, I shared this with "Comrade Honecker."
SPIEGEL: And what was his response?
Masur: He addressed me as "Comrade Masur," which was incorrect, since I wasn't in the party. But the respect he showed the orchestral tradition was remarkable. For example, every year, all of the orchestras in the GDR had to perform a world premiere of a commissioned work by a young composer. I only wish some of the politicians today could have similar foresight when it comes to these kinds of things.
SPIEGEL: You brought a lot of public criticism on yourself by writing a thank-you letter to Honecker after his political career came to an end. Were you a supporter of his?
Masur: No, but there were reasons for me to thank him. In the case of the Gewandhaus, he used his position to do something for the common good.
SPIEGEL: The GDR also saw people shot and killed for trying to cross the border, an economy of scarcity, political prisoners and a secret police, the Stasi, that spied on ordinary citizens. Were you living in an unjust state?
Masur: That's not an easy question to answer. The basic idea behind Communism wasn't dictatorial in nature. And the premise of socialism -- that every individual is of equal worth -- was also fine. But, of course, everything that came after that was a dictatorship, and it reached its high point under Stalin. There were moments when it curtailed my own freedom, as well.
SPIEGEL: How?
Masur: Until 1964, I worked at the Komische Oper Berlin under Walter Felsenstein. For the next three years, I was unemployed, so to speak. I didn't have an orchestra, and I wasn't allowed to travel to the West for guest-conducting engagements. In political terms, they wanted to starve me out a bit.
SPIEGEL: Why?
Masur: There had been a number of incidents. I was part of a group of people who worked in the arts who had been invited to meet with the Central Committee. Walter Ulbricht (editor's note: then the general secretary of the SED, the East German communist party) gave an impassioned speech about an artist's duties in the GDR. Wolfgang Langhoff, who had directed the Deutsches Theater in Berlin, had fallen out of favor, apparently because he hadn't done enough to put himself at the service of socialist realism. Ulbricht really thundered at us. A few days later, there was another talk and a request for us to enter into a dialogue. I responded: "After your displays, discussion is no longer possible." After that, things got rough for me.
SPIEGEL: How did you navigate your way back into favor?
Masur: It wasn't a matter of favor. I had been invited to conduct "Lohengrin" in Venice. And even though I was banned from traveling, I accepted. Then I contacted the minister of culture and explained that, if necessary, I would make the trip even if I didn't have a visa, and that if anything happened to me at the border, he would share in the blame. I had my authorization by noon the next day.
SPIEGEL: Compared to most people in the GDR, you enjoyed a privileged position, like those of athletes.
Masur: That's true. And I was famous enough that I could afford to speak the truth. They knew there was something not quite right about Masur. And, what's more, I was a Christian…
SPIEGEL: …in an atheist regime.
Masur: My religious practices were closely monitored. I once put money in the collection plate after an organ concert at the Church of the Cross (in Dresden) and a minister in the audience asked me: "You support the church?" I replied that the organ was out of tune and the congregation needed money to fix it. The next day, the organ builder contacted me, and he was very unhappy. The Stasi must have told him what I had said.
SPIEGEL: What is in your Stasi file?
Masur: It contains a comprehensive character profile, including my supposedly "strong inclination toward the fairer sex." But all of the entries made around the time of reunification seem to have been destroyed. The file also shows that one of my long-time employees provided the Stasi with details about my friendship with Alfred Schnittke, the Russian composer. Another employee was told to spy on me while we were on tour abroad, but he refused to do so.
SPIEGEL: Did anything happen to you if any of your musicians defected while touring abroad?
Masur: I had to come up with an excuse. And I'm sorry to say that I wasn't the one to coin the best one. That honor goes to the former chief conductor of the Leningrad Philharmonic. A Soviet party functionary once asked him: "Mravinsky, what's the matter! A few of them abandon you every time!" And he responded: "They're not abandoning me; they're abandoning you!"
Interview conducted by Joachim Kronsbein and Katja Thimm
The HANDSTAND October Issue 2010
Scientists have found the oldest known land plants, a discovery that pushes the colonization of land by plants back to 472 million years ago. According to a report published in the New Phytologist, the newly found plants are liverworts, very simple with no stems or roots. Researchers from the Department of Paleontology at the Argentine Institute of Snow, Ice and Environmental Research in Mendoza, collected samples of sediment from the Rio Capillas in northwest Argentina and processed them by dissolving them in strong acids. Led by Claudia Rubinstein, the team found hardy fossilized spores from five different types of liverwort, which is known as a primitive plant and said to have evolved from freshwater multi-cellular green algae. "Spores of liverworts are very simple and are called cryptospores," Dr Rubinstein told the BBC. "The cryptospores that we describe are the earliest to date." The spores which date back to between 473 and 471 million years ago come from plants belonging to five different groups of species. "That shows plants had already begun to diversify, meaning they must have colonized land earlier than our dated samples," Dr Rubinstein explained. The discovery surprised many scientists as it took place at least 5000km, from the Saudi Arabia and the Czech Republic, where previous earliest traces of land plants, small liverwort cryptospores, were found. TE/MGH
http://www.presstv.ir/detail/146719.html
Scientists have found the oldest known land plants, a discovery that pushes the colonization of land by plants back to 472 million years ago. According to a report published in the New Phytologist, the newly found plants are liverworts, very simple with no stems or roots. Researchers from the Department of Paleontology at the Argentine Institute of Snow, Ice and Environmental Research in Mendoza, collected samples of sediment from the Rio Capillas in northwest Argentina and processed them by dissolving them in strong acids. Led by Claudia Rubinstein, the team found hardy fossilized spores from five different types of liverwort, which is known as a primitive plant and said to have evolved from freshwater multi-cellular green algae. "Spores of liverworts are very simple and are called cryptospores," Dr Rubinstein told the BBC. "The cryptospores that we describe are the earliest to date." The spores which date back to between 473 and 471 million years ago come from plants belonging to five different groups of species. "That shows plants had already begun to diversify, meaning they must have colonized land earlier than our dated samples," Dr Rubinstein explained. The discovery surprised many scientists as it took place at least 5000km, from the Saudi Arabia and the Czech Republic, where previous earliest traces of land plants, small liverwort cryptospores, were found. TE/MGH
http://www.presstv.ir/detail/146719.html
Monday, October 11, 2010
THE HANDSTAND October Issue 2010
Monday Oct.11th
The Palestinian Authority's top negotiator refutes the Israeli premier's offer which obliged the Palestinians to recognize Israel in return for a settlement freeze. "I hope he will stop playing these games and will start the peace process by stopping settlements," Saeb Erekat said on Monday. His reply came after Benjamin Netanyahu had earlier offered to extend the 10-month partial moratorium on settlement projects, should the Palestinians recognize Israel as a "Jewish state." "If the Palestinian leadership would say unequivocally to its people that it recognizes Israel as the national homeland of the Jewish people, I will be willing to ask for an additional suspension," Netanyahu told the parliament on Monday. Erekat was also quoted as saying by the Associated Press that there was no connection between Netanyahu's obligations and his efforts to define the nature of Israel. The Israeli leader has repeatedly made similar demands in the past, though he has never explicitly linked it to the settlement issue. The Palestinians refuse to accept Israel as a "Jewish state," saying it discriminates against Israel's Arab minority and violates the rights of millions of Palestinian refugees scattered around the world. AGB/AKM/MMN
from PressTV http://www.presstv.com/detail/146267.html
Monday Oct.11th
The Palestinian Authority's top negotiator refutes the Israeli premier's offer which obliged the Palestinians to recognize Israel in return for a settlement freeze. "I hope he will stop playing these games and will start the peace process by stopping settlements," Saeb Erekat said on Monday. His reply came after Benjamin Netanyahu had earlier offered to extend the 10-month partial moratorium on settlement projects, should the Palestinians recognize Israel as a "Jewish state." "If the Palestinian leadership would say unequivocally to its people that it recognizes Israel as the national homeland of the Jewish people, I will be willing to ask for an additional suspension," Netanyahu told the parliament on Monday. Erekat was also quoted as saying by the Associated Press that there was no connection between Netanyahu's obligations and his efforts to define the nature of Israel. The Israeli leader has repeatedly made similar demands in the past, though he has never explicitly linked it to the settlement issue. The Palestinians refuse to accept Israel as a "Jewish state," saying it discriminates against Israel's Arab minority and violates the rights of millions of Palestinian refugees scattered around the world. AGB/AKM/MMN
from PressTV http://www.presstv.com/detail/146267.html
THE HANDSTAND OCTOBER ISSUE 2010
Ariha unveils massive carpet mosaic
Mon Oct 11, 2010 2:59PM
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The ancient city of Ariha (Jericho) has unveiled one of the largest carpet mosaics of the Middle East dating back to some 1,200 years ago. The 900-square-meter mosaic is adorned with geometric and floral patterns and has been unveiled as part of Ariha's 10,000th birthday celebrations. The mosaic comprising of small red, blue and ocher square stones covers the floor of the main bath house of an Ariha Islamic palace which was destroyed in an eighth-century earthquake. Since being excavated in the 1930s and 1940s, the mosaic has been hidden under layers of canvas and soil to protect it against sun and rain. Archeologists have estimated that at least USD 2 million is needed to build a roof above the mosaic. Award-winning Swiss architect Peter Zumthor has proposed a shield which looks like a large upended wooden crate and has presented a model of his design at the site. The colorful carpet will be displayed for a week and covered up again until a roof is built to protect it against rain, Palestinian archaeologist Hamdan Taha said. A smaller mosaic in the audience room has also attracted lots of attention with its beautiful pattern of two gazelles nibbling at the leaves of an apple tree, the Associated Press reported. Ariha is located near the Jordan River in the West Bank in the occupied Palestinian territories and is known as the lowest permanently inhabited site on earth. TE/CS/MMN
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